Prime Minister Starmer traveled to north Wales on Thursday to declare the development of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This is a major policy announcement with implications at local and countrywide levels. However, the PM did not devote extensive time in Wales to promoting answers for the UK's energy needs. Instead, he used the time attempting to put an end to the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, telling reporters that No 10 had not briefed against the health secretary’s ambitions earlier this week.
As such, Sir Keir’s day served as a small-scale example of what his prime ministership has now become more generally. On the one hand, he desires his government to be performing, and to be perceived as performing, important things. Conversely, he is incapable to achieve this because of the way he – and, partly, the country more generally – now practices political and governmental affairs.
Sir Keir cannot change the political culture single-handedly, but he is able to do something about his own role in it. The plain fact is that he could run the centre of government much more effectively than he does. If he did this, he could discover that the nation was in less despair about his government than it currently is, and that he was getting his messages across more successfully.
Some of the issues in Downing Street relate to personnel. The personal dynamics of any No 10 regime are difficult to discern well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir fails to make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Perhaps he is not really interested. However, he must to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.
All premiers spend too much time abroad and on international matters, areas where Sir Keir ought to assign more tasks, and insufficient time talking to parliamentarians and listening to the public. Premiers also spend too much time doing media, which Sir Keir compounds by doing it poorly. Yet leaders cannot claim to be surprised when their political appointees, who tend to be party loyalists or ambitious in politics, overstep boundaries or become the focus, as Mr McSweeney now has.
The biggest issues, however, are systemic. It would be good to believe that Sir Keir read the a think tank's March 2024 study on reforming the government's central operations. His inability to grip these issues last July or since suggests he did not. The frequently dismal performance of Labour’s time in office indicates recommendations like reorganizing the roles of the Cabinet Office and Downing Street, and dividing the positions of top official and head of the civil service, are currently critical.
The dominant political role of prime ministers greatly exceeds the support available to them. Consequently, everything currently suffers, and much is done badly or ignored.
This isn't Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He is the casualty of past failures as well as the architect of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and prioritize governmental structures have been let down. Unfortunately, the biggest loser from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.
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